Civil War
This pre-civil war terror played a role in the start of the civil war. The SRs, tired of being persecuted, let themselves be caught up in the Czechoslovak adventure. The Czech legion was a group of Czech P.O.W.s in Russia who had been organized by the Entente to fight against the Central Powers in exchange for the promise of Czech independence. After the Bolsheviks made peace with the Central Powers the Czech legion was stuck in Russia, and started making their way out of Russian territory via the East. Neither the Bolsheviks nor the Czechs really trusted each other so the Czechs revolted on May 25th and launched an attack against the Bolsheviks. The SRs took advantage of this to form a new government based in Samara. They created a coalition government very similar to the provisional government. The civil war began as a war between the Bolsheviks and one of the rival socialist groups they tried to suppress. The civil war did not cause the Bolshevik's suppression of rival trends, but rather the suppression of rival trends was a catalyst that helped started the civil war.
In the wake of this several more counter-revolutionary governments were set up against the Bolsheviks:
"Between the Volga and the Pacific, no less than nineteen governments arose to oppose the Bolsheviks. Most prominent among the former, the government of Komuch in Samara [set up by the SRs] and the Provisional Government of Autonomous Siberia in Omsk, vied to establish their claims as the Constituent Assembly's legitimate heirs since both had been formed by men and women [from the constituent assembly] "1
The politics of these anti-Bolshevik governments ranged from right-wing socialists, like the SRs, to the far right, including Monarchists. In September these governments united by forming a Directorate of five people, including both socialists and reactionaries. The Directory was in a precarious situation from the start. The right continued to demand the creation of a one-person dictatorship while the SRs advocated a moderate socialist republic. The rising landlord counter-revolution threatened the Directory and the SRs. The Directory, and the preceding anti-Bolshevik governments, instituted a traditional military hierarchy and began the building of their own army. Because most of the population did not support them, and thus would not volunteer to fight for them, they had to implement conscription.
The Bolsheviks were greatly hurt by the loss of popular support they had held in the wake of October. Most did not support either side of the conflict; some village communes passed resolutions calling on both sides to end the civil war through negotiation and even declared themselves 'neutral republics.'2 However, the loss of popular support made the advance of anti-Bolshevik armies easier since few were willing volunteer to risk their lives defending the Bolsheviks.
The civil war greatly accelerated the centralizing trends that were already present in Bolshevik-controlled Russia and helped give an upper hand to the more hard-line & repressive factions within the ruling class. Power gradually transferred from the Sovnarkom to the party to the Politburo. This process had already started prior to the civil war; the civil war merely accelerated it.
At the start of the civil war the Bolsheviks had a very small military. Most of it had disintegrated after October, as soldiers took the opportunity to leave and go home. What was left consisted of a few small units, some paramilitary groups and partisan units. Given their lack of popular support, these were completely incapable of halting the offensive by even the small Czech legion, let alone the large armies that were later used. Trotsky was made Commissar of War, head of the military, in March 1918. He reorganized the Red Army. Because most people opposed the Bolsheviks, and thus wouldn't volunteer to fight for them, conscription was instituted. The Bolsheviks claimed to support military democracy during the run up to October, but now that they were in power it was abolished in favor of a traditional military hierarchy. If military democracy were maintained while simultaneously conscripting huge numbers of people who didn't want to fight and who were opposed to the Bolsheviks it would result in the soldiers voting against the Bolsheviks, refusing to fight for them and possibly even overthrowing the Bolsheviks. Obviously they were not going to let that happen. Trotsky defended the abolition of military democracy:
"So long as power was in the hands of the enemy class and the commanders were an instrument in the hands of that class, we had to endeavor, by means of the principle of election, to break the class resistance of the commanding personnel. But now political power is in the hands of that same working class from whose ranks the Army is recruited. Given the present regime in the Army the principle of election is politically purposeless and technically inexpedient, and it has been, in practice, abolished by decree."3
Former Tsarist officers were made officers in the Red army. In order to insure that the Tsarist officers obeyed the Red command, and didn't launch a coup, commissars were assigned to each unit to keep the officers in line. Both sides of the civil war suffered from massive desertion.
On August 31, 1918 SR assassins attempted to kill Lenin and nearly succeeded. In response "the Communists inaugurated mass arrests and executions, accompanied by the suppression of practically all the surviving non-Communist newspapers."4 The few civil liberties Russians had left were shredded. The Red Terror is usually dated to have begun with this heightened repression. "Hundreds of Cheka prisoners are thought to have been summarily executed in the heightened paranoia that followed the assassination attempt By the end of 1918 there had been 6,300 official executions,"5 and an unknown number of unofficial executions. "There was hardly a single town where executions did not take place."6
At this point the civil war was still a war between socialists, although the SRs were in a coalition with the right. In November 1918 a right-wing coup deposed the directory and installed a military dictatorship under Admiral Aleksandr Kolchak.7 By allying with the far right the SRs helped launch a right-wing counter-revolution that suppressed the SRs and all other socialists. Two months after the Red Terror was fully launched, eight months after it was partially launched, the civil war was transformed from a war between socialists into a war between Bolsheviks and reactionaries, between Reds and Whites. The right-wing counter-revolution rose ascendant against the Bolshevik counter-revolution. The Whites reinstated private property, restored the rule of the landlords, and launched a White terror just as bad as the Red terror, arguably worse. The Whites were officially Republicans, but in reality were closet Monarchists.
From this point on the civil war was basically a three-sided class war: the new ruling class (Reds) vs. the old ruling class (Whites) vs. the workers and peasants (most Greens & Blacks). Greens were partisan groups formed mostly by peasants against both the Reds and the Whites:
"Some deserters formed themselves into guerilla bands. These were called the Greens partly because they hid out in the woods and were supplied by the local peasants; sometimes these peasant armies called themselves Greens to distinguish themselves from both Reds and Whites. They even had their own Green propaganda and ideology based on the defense of the local peasant revolution. During the spring of 1919 virtually the whole of the Red Army rear, both on the Eastern and the Southern Fronts, was engulfed by these Green armies."8
The Greens advocated ideas similar to both the Maximalists and the anarchists, though not identical to either. Some of these peasant rebels appeared to have a poor understanding of the political situation, but their rebellions were nonetheless an expression of class struggle against Reds and Whites. Anarchists also formed their own Black partisans that fought against Reds and Whites, mainly in the Ukraine. Some historians group the Black forces in with the Greens, but this isn't really correct because the Greens did not fully agree with anarchism (though there were some strong similarities). There were also Blues local nationalists who fought to establish an independent nation-state in a country formerly ruled by Russia. They frequently came into conflict with the Whites, because the Whites aimed to restore the Russian empire, and also with the Reds because the Blues were usually right-wing capitalists. In addition, there were also various wannabe warlords, like Grigor'ev, who attempted to take advantage of the instability of civil war to establish their own little fiefdoms.
Throughout the civil war both the Bolsheviks and the Whites were continually beset with worker and peasant unrest. There were numerous peasant revolts against them throughout the civil war, some quite large:
"if we were to look in greater detail at any one area behind the main battle lines in the eastern Ukraine, in western Siberia, in the Northern Caucasus, in parts of White Russia and Central Asia, in the Volga region and Tambov province, then we would find a series of smaller 'peasant wars' against the Reds and the Whites. These wars ... aimed to establish peasant rule in the localities against the authority of the central state."9
Whole provinces were engulfed in rebellion including Tambov, Riazan, Tula, Kaluga, Smolensk, Vitebsk, Siberia, Pskov, Novgorod, Mogilev and even parts of Moscow.10 "The peasant uprisings were localist in their aspirations, and hostile to any form of central government."11 The peasant rebels desired "to restore the localized village democracy of the revolution, which had been lost" and "aimed not to march on Moscow so much as to cut themselves off from its influence by fighting a guerilla and terrorist war against the Red Army and the state officials in the countryside."12 One peasant uprising against the Bolsheviks at Simbirsk and Samara, the 'War of the Chapany' (Chapany was the local peasant term for a tunic) in April of 1919 had as it's main slogan 'Long live the Soviets! Down with the Communists!' "The politics of the uprising were couched in terms of the restoration of the soviet democracy established during the October revolution."13 According to statistics from the Cheka there were 245 anti-Bolshevik uprisings in 191814 and 99 in the first seven months of 1919.15 Most of these were provoked by the grain requisitions against the peasants.
The Whites faced at least as much peasant unrest as the Reds, arguably more:
"By the height of the Kolchak offensive, whole areas of the Siberian rear were engulfed by peasant revolts. This partisan movement could not really be described as Bolshevik, as it was later by Soviet historians, although Bolshevik activists, usually in a united front with the Anarchists and Left SRs, often played a major role in it. It was a vast peasant war against the [Whites] the partisan movement expressed the ideas of the peasant revolution Peasant deserters from Kolchak's army played a leading role in the partisan bands."16
The peasant partisans used guerilla tactics to destroy White railroad tracks, harass and destroy enemy forces, ambush trains, and disrupt supply lines.17 This forced the Whites to divert troops away from the front in order to combat unrest in their rear. In the Ukraine Makhnovist partisans waged a peasant war against the Whites. Workers in Omsk, the White Capital, launched a revolt against Kolchak on December 22, 1919. They managed to free more than a hundred political prisoners before being brutally crushed.18 Railway workers generally would not work for the Whites except at the point of a gun.19
The Bolsheviks claimed to be a working class party but were opposed by the majority of workers who rebelled against them ever since the spring of 1918. The wave of labor unrest caused by the shooting of protesters on May 9, 1918 continued through the start of the civil war and culminated in a Petrograd general strike called for July 2. The state responded with mass arrests, forcibly breaking up worker assemblies and other standard union-busting tactics that succeeded in defeating the general strike. On June 28 the Sovnarkom issued its famous decree nationalizing all remaining industries not already nationalized, which helped break the resistance of the working class by giving the state control over the entire economy.20 Industrial unrest continued throughout the civil war. Workers denounced the "commissarocracy" and rebelled against it. In March 1919 strikes and riots against the Bolsheviks again broke out. A worker assembly at the Putilov Works, which had originally been a stronghold of Bolshevism and militant supporter of the October revolution, passed a resolution on March 10, 1919 saying:
"We, the workers of the Putilov Works, declare before the labouring classes of Russia and the world that the Bolshevist government has betrayed the ideals of the revolution, and thus betrayed and deceived the workers and peasants in Russia; that the Bolshevist government, acting in our names, is not the authority of the proletariat and peasants, but a dictatorship of the Bolshevik party, self-governing with the aid of Cheka and the police ... We demand the release of workers and their wives who have been arrested; the restoration of a free press, free speech, right of meeting and inviolability of person; transfer of food administration to co-operative societies: and transfer of power to freely elected workers' and peasants' soviets."21
Several thousand workers participated in the assembly; only 22 voted against the resolution. The Bolsheviks responded to the strikes and unrest by firing strikers without compensation, banning meetings and rallies, evicting dissident workers from their homes and using armed force against strikers. Workers were forced to "confess" to being lead astray by provocateurs and "counter-revolutionaries." June and July of 1919 saw another wave of strikes and worker unrest against the Bolsheviks,22 as did 1920.23
In July 1918 the Left SRs, hoping to restart the war against Germany, assassinated the German ambassador and launched an uprising against the Bolsheviks. The assassination failed to restart the war and the Bolsheviks suppressed the uprising. In 1919 Left SRs and anarchists detonated a bomb at the Moscow headquarters of the Communist party, managing to wound Bukharin.24
Strikes, insurrections and riots against both the Reds and Whites continued all throughout the civil war. Conscripted troops often mutinied or deserted, sometimes joining the Greens.
As a result of the resistance of the other classes to the new bureaucratic ruling class an extremely repressive police state was implemented in "soviet" territory to maintain the power of the new ruling class. There have been many instances of ruling classes implementing totalitarianism when it was needed to keep them in power. That is how fascism came about. The Bolsheviks implemented Red Fascism in order to keep themselves, the new ruling class, in power much as the German and Italian rulers implemented fascism to keep themselves in power. The center of power went from the Sovnarkom to the central committee to the politburo.
The "dictatorship of the proletariat" was in reality the dictatorship of the Communist party. Ever since early 1918 (before the civil war began) the "soviets" did nothing more than rubber-stamp the decisions of the party. "The borough soviets in the major cities disappeared. In areas near the front and in territories conquered by the Red Army, special revolutionary committees with unrestricted powers replaced constitutionally provided soviet organs. They were frequently identical with the Bolshevik Party committee."25 "The soviets, designed to prevent bureaucratization through constant control by the voters, their right to recall deputies, and the union of legislative and executive branches, turned into bureaucratic authorities without effective control from below. ... The 'soviets,' allegedly ruling in Russia since 1918, are only powerless adjuncts of the party bureaucracy."26
All opposition groups were severely persecuted, although they were not wiped out until the early twenties and the intensity of the persecution varied in different parts of the civil war. This included the anarchists:
"From 1918 to 1920 the fragmented anarchist groups were almost constantly persecuted, with only occasional concessions. Echoing Bakunin's animosity to any [state], the anarchists fought Bolshevik "dictatorship of the proletariat" and its threatening centralism, commissars, and terror. They considered soviets a first step toward the anarchist commune, but thought existing soviets were flawed and usually refused to cooperate in them. The group of anarcho-syndicalists active in Petrograd and Moscow called soviet power an 'exploitation machine for subjugation of most workers by a small clique.' Many anarchist slogans and demands subsequently turned up during the Kronstadt revolt."27
The Bolsheviks waged a class war on the poor. Under the grain monopoly all grain produced by the peasants in excess of what they needed for themselves was the property of the state. Often the state would take some of what the peasant need as well. This policy provoked countless peasant rebellions as they resisted Bolshevik exploiters. The government sent armed forces into the villages to take the grain and suppress peasant resistance. Peasants resisted by reducing the amount they planted, which ultimately lead to less food being produced and a famine.
A black market flourished during the civil war; the Bolsheviks outlawed it and attempted to stamp it out. 'Bag traders' traveled to and from the city and countryside, attempting to trade city goods with the peasants. These traders were not petty capitalists but ordinary workers and peasants attempting to gain things they and/or their community needed. The peasants were willing to trade when they could get around the Bolsheviks. During the revolution co-operatives had often been set up to trade between city and country. This system, though greatly flawed, could have been used to feed the cities but the Bolsheviks instead attempted to suppress it. The new ruling class, the Bolsheviks, was waging a class war against the peasants & workers and so obviously could not allow this independent system to continue. Unless they successfully imposed their control over the food supply their control over the economy would be damaged, greatly threatening their position.
These policies, combined with the civil war, lead to famine and de-urbanization. Workers fled the cities to the villages, where they had a better chance of feeding themselves. The workers most likely to flee the cities were those who still had connections with the villages, who had moved to the city more recently. Those who were left in the city tended to be more connected to the city, often born in the city hardcore proletarians.28
Trotsky advocated iron control over the working class by the state, completely crushing workers' freedom and de-facto defending the domination of the workers by a bureaucratic ruling class. In a speech at the 9th party congress Trotsky argued that, "the working masses cannot be left wandering all over Russia. They must be thrown here and there, appointed, commanded, just like soldiers Deserters from labour ought to be formed into punitive battalions or put into concentration camps." In 1920 he claimed that:
"The very principle of compulsory labor service is for the Communist quite unquestionable. The only solution of economic difficulties that is correct from the point of view both of principle and of practice is to treat the population of the whole country as the reservoir of the necessary labor poweran almost inexhaustible reservoirand to introduce strict order into the work of its registration, mobilization, and utilization. The introduction of compulsory labor service is unthinkable without the application, to a greater or less degree, of the methods of militarization of labor. It would be a most crying error to confuse the question as to the supremacy of the proletariat with the question of boards of workers at the head of factories. The dictatorship of the proletariat is expressed in the abolition of private property in the means of production, in the supremacy over the whole Soviet mechanism of the collective will of the workers, and not at all in the form in which individual economic enterprises are administered."29
The Whites launched their own White terror against the populace just as brutal and bloodthirsty as the Red terror, arguably worse. All opposition was suppressed, even groups like the SRs who had helped in the fight against the Bolsheviks. "Peasants were flogged and tortured, hostages were taken and shot, and whole villages were burned to the ground."30 Many White soldiers indulged themselves in mass rape and pillage of the villages.31 Workers in many cities were shot en masse. In Yuzovka one in ten workers would be shot whenever factories and mines failed to meet their output expectations.32 In the town of Taganrog the Whites blinded, mutilated and then buried alive anti-White workers.33 Similar events happened on a regular basis in White territory.
The Whites were also anti-Semites who carried out many pogroms against Jews. Anti-Semitism had long been a part of Russia and had been used by many Tsars to their advantage in the past. Anti-Semitism was more of a hangover from the old regime than an outgrowth of the revolution. Many on the right unfairly blamed Jews for the revolution and Communism. Although most Jews were not Communists, many Bolsheviks were Jews and Jews faced less persecution from the "Soviet" state than it's Tsarist predecessor. "White propaganda portrayed the Bolshevik regime as a Jewish conspiracy."34 Whites would burn and destroy whole Jewish towns, execute Jews en masse, rape Jewish women and display Jewish corpses in the street with a red star cut into their chest. White officers rarely attempted to halt any pogrom, but in several cases encouraged them. During early October in Kiev White soldiers in Kiev, with the encouragement of officers and priests, went around pillaging Jewish homes, taking money, raping and killing Jews. The Whites cut off limbs and noses of their victims and ripped fetuses from their mothers' wombs. They forced Jews to run inside houses they had set on fire. Jewish girls were frequently gang raped; in Cherkass hundreds of preteen girls were gang raped by the Whites. In the town of Podole hundreds of Jews were tortured and mutilated, many women and young children, and had their corpses left in the snow for the dogs to eat.35 When the Whites occupied the village of "Gulyai-Polye, a large number of peasants were shot, dwellings were destroyed, and hundreds of carts and wagons filled with food and other possessions of the Gulyai-Polye inhabitants were [seized] Almost all the Jewish women of the village were raped."36 Similar things happened all throughout White territory.
The Whites demonized anyone who opposed them as "Bolsheviks" including those who most definitely were not. They set up a false dichotomy either you were with the Whites or you were with the Bolsheviks. Any opposition to them was equated as support for the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks did the same thing any opposition to the Bolsheviks was equated as being support for the Whites. They labeled their opponents "counter-revolutionary" and other names even groups like the anarchists, Left SRs and Maximalists who were militantly opposed to the Whites were smeared as "counter-revolutionary." All peasants who opposed the Bolsheviks were smeared as "Kulaks" regardless of whether they actually were Kulaks or not. A Kulak was supposedly a rich peasant, but in the hands of the Bolsheviks it lost all real meaning and became little more than a term of abuse applied to any peasant opposition:37
"Soviet historians, unable to admit the existence of popular resistance to the Bolshevik regime, have dismissed [peasant] uprisings as 'kulak revolts', stage-managed by the opposition parties and their allies abroad. The empirical poverty of this interpretation is such that it does not warrant a detailed critique. Suffice to say that the few Western studies so far completed of the Makhno uprising in the Ukraine and the Antonov uprising in Tambov province have established beyond doubt the mass appeal of these movements among the peasantry."38
The agrarian revolution had a leveling effect on the peasantry, decreasing stratification within the villages. Lenin overestimated peasant stratification even before the revolution39 and after the revolution it became even more egalitarian. Russian peasant villages were generally very egalitarian especially after the revolution. Bolshevik supporters "have laid a great deal of stress on the 'class struggle' between rich and poor peasants during the land re-divisions. Yet the records of the village and volost' soviets leave little evidence to suggest that such a struggle played anything more than a very minor role."40
There was also military intervention by foreign imperialists who backed the Whites and attempted to destroy the "soviet" state. Pro-Bolshevik accounts of the revolution often leave the impression that, immediately upon coming to power the whole world declared war on the Soviet Union. They tell stories about how 17, 25, 33 or some other made up number of countries invaded and waged full-scale war on the Bolsheviks. However, the military interventions were not as major as they portray it as, nor were the imperialist powers as universally hostile to the Bolsheviks as they imply. The Germans had actually helped deliver Lenin from exile into Russia in the hopes that he would stir up unrest and possibly force Russia to make a separate peace with Germany. During the negotiations for the treaty of Brest-Litovsk, which pulled Russia out of the First World War, the Entente made friendly gestures towards the Bolsheviks in the hope that they would continue the war, thereby keeping two fronts against Germany open. They offered military and economic assistance to keep the war going, which the Bolsheviks refused. These were capitalist countries, both Entente and Central Power, making friendly advances towards the Bolshevik regime in order to further their own imperialist interests.
The Entente initially landed troops in the hopes of reopening the Eastern Front and to retrieve supplies they had given to the Russians to aid them in the war. They were too busy fighting World War One to launch a serious intervention against the Bolsheviks until after the war was over. A blockade was imposed on the country. The British were the most active of the interventionists; their forces repeatedly clashed with the Reds. Both the Japanese and United States landed forces in the Far East. France attempted to intervene but their troops mutinied. The most significant place of intervention was in the North, in Murmansk and Archangel. Allied forces landed and propped up the local Whites, who came close to taking Petrograd. This was mainly a British operation, but included other countries (including small Canadian and Serbian detachments).41 Troops from newly independent Finland also made a few small forays into Russian territory. In 1920 Russia fought a border war with Poland, which had become independent from Russia in the wake of the Revolution. Probably more significant than the military intervention was the aid supplied to the Whites. The Whites were greatly helped by the money, weapons and supplies provided to them by foreign powers without it they probably would have lost much quicker.
The existence of the Bolshevik government was a threat to the other capitalist countries not only because it nationalized the property of foreign companies but also because it provided the threat of a good example. The Bolshevik government had the potential to inspire similar revolutions in other countries, and so they had to destroy it to ward off that threat. Despite this the imperialist intervention into Russia was rather limited. The Whites bitterly complained that they were not receiving enough aid.42 The countries involved had just finished fighting the First World War and were in no shape for another full-scale war. In addition, the period after the Russian Revolution was a period of global unrest that restricted the amount of intervention possible without causing a revolution in the homeland. The intervention was also hampered by conflicts between the different imperialist powers, which were all competing with each other for greater influence within Russia.43
The Bolsheviks had a military advantage in that they controlled the center of the country while the Whites were based on the periphery. The Whites were divided into several different areas, with their main bases in the south and the east (for a while there was also a northern front near Petrograd). For much of the civil war General Anton Denikin commanded the south. The White forces in the south evolved from failed attempts to launch a right-wing counter-revolution in the wake of October but they had no real success until the later part of 1918. Although Admiral Kolchak was officially the head of state for the entire White army, in practice he only ran the east. The south (and north) was autonomous, with little direction from Kolchak. Bolshevik control of the center of the country also gave them control over most of the industrial areas and many of the railroads, which gave them another advantage.
One of the main reasons the Whites lost was because they had even less popular support than the Bolsheviks. Many "feared the return of Tsarist and of the pomestchiki, the big land-owners, much more than Bolshevism."44 The Whites wanted to restore the Russian empire, making enemies out of anti-Bolshevik nationalists. Although most of the population was opposed to both the Reds and the Whites, a substantial portion of the population regarded the Reds as a "lesser of two evils." Their reactionary policies cost the Whites victory; White decrees made excellent propaganda for the Reds. Near the end of the civil war General Wrangel attempted to remedy this by implementing limited reforms, but it was too little, too late.
The height of the civil war was in 1919, when the Whites came closest to victory. Admiral Kolchak launched a major offensive from the east in early 1919 but it was defeated in April. Denikin launched a major offensive from the south in May that came the closest to victory of any of the White forces. Denikin's offensive came within 120 miles of Moscow before being defeated in October, the closest of any White army.45 Black partisans inflicted serious damage on Denikin's army in Ukraine, which aided his defeat. By early 1920 the Whites were in retreat everywhere. In November Kolchak abandoned Omsk, formerly his capital, and fled east towards Irkutsk. On his way to Irkutsk Kolchak's train was held up by rebellious Czech troops and a popular uprising erupted in Irkutsk. The uprising overthrew the Whites and established a new government, the Political Center, run by SRs and Mensheviks. The Political Center was later taken over by the Bolsheviks. The Reds captured Kolchak and executed him on the morning of February 7th, 1920. The war in the east was effectively won; they only had to finish mopping up the remnants of Kolchak's forces.46 In early 1920 it looked as if the war was about to be won in the South as well. Denikin resigned and handed command over to General Petr Wrangel. Wrangel managed to launch one last offense against the Reds, but was also defeated after a few months. In November 1920 Wrangel fled Russia. The Reds had won the civil war.
Notes:
1 Lincoln, p. 235
2 Figes, People's Tragedy p. 596
3 Trotsky, Work, Discipline, Order
4 Schapiro, p. 124
5 Read, p. 207
6 Maximoff, Guillotine p. 79
7 Lincoln, 240-248
8 Figes, People's Tragedy p. 599-600
9 Figes, Peasant Russia p. 321
10 Figes, People's Tragedy p. 596
11 Figes, Peasant Russia p. 348
12 Figes, Peasant Russia p. 322-323
13 Figes, Peasant Russia p. 330
14 Maximoff, Guillotine p. 79
15 Read, p. 206
16 Figes, People's Tragedy p. 657-658
17 Lincoln, p. 264-265; Figes, People's Tragedy p. 658
18 Linclon, p. 254
19 Figes, People's Tragedy p. 665
20 Rosenburg, 235-238
21 quoted on Serge, Year One p. 9
22 Brovkin, Workers' Unrest
23 Aves, p. 39-80
24 Schapiro, p. 126
25 Anweiler, p. 235
26 Anweiler, p. 243
27 Anweiler, p. 234-235
28 Figes, p. 610
29 Trotsky, Terrorism and Communism ch. 8
30 Figes, People's Tragedy p. 657
31 Figes, People's Tragedy p. 659
32 Figes, People's Tragedy p. 665
33 Lincoln, p. 86
34 Figes, People's Tragedy p. 676
35 Figes, People's Tragedy p. 677-679
36 Arshinov, p. 134
37 See Viola and Figes, Peasant Russia for more on this
38 Figes, Peasant Russia p. 321-322
39 Farber, p. 45
40 Figes, Peasant Russia p. 124
41 Footman, Civil War p. 167-210
42 Voline, p. 431
43 Bradly
44 Voline, p. 429
45 Lincoln, p. 224
46 Figes, People's Tragedy p. 658-659; Lincoln p. 266-269
